Pvt. Roderick MacNeil
78th
Regiment of Foot (Fraser’s Highlanders)
British Army 1757 - 1759
A revised article
which first appeared under the heading of:
A Cape Breton MacNeil Family‘s connection to the Siege of Louisbourg,
1758
by Bernardine (MacNeil) Campbell
A
brief glimpse into the life of Roderick (Rory) MacNeil, a soldier
with the British Troops who was wounded at the Siege of Louisbourg
in the summer of 1758, is revealed within a collection of land
papers held at the Nova Scotia Archives (NSARM) in Halifax. The
papers concern his widow Mary and her struggle to retain the land at
Benacadie, in the Grand Narrows district of Cape Breton Island,
where she and her late husband had settled about 1806. There is
little mention about the man himself but the history surrounding the
fall of Louisbourg serves as a time line and helps add flesh‘
to
the bare bones information. The parties telling their story (in the
documents) had to swear under oath that what was written was the
truth and nothing but the truth. Settlers (and others) petitioning
for land often embellished their stories
in
order to present their case more favorably to the Crown; some of the
information in this collection proved no different.
The regiment Rory was with is
unknown; he could have been attached to any regiment that was
present at Louisbourg but the odds point to Fraser‘s Highlanders,
assuming of course that he was a Barra man. Lieutenant Roderick
MacNeil (the son of the Macneil of Bara”) along with
several clansmen went to North America with the 78th
Regiment of Foot (Fraser‘s Highlanders).3
Rory, the former soldier who settled at Benacadie, could very well
have been one of the several clansmen that accompanied
Lieutenant MacNeil and followed him into battle.
The
above is the beginning of the original article published in the
March 2009 edition of the Clan MacNeil (in Canada) Newsletter. It
also appeared under “Roderick MacNeil” on the Cape Breton Genealogy
& Historical Association website on its June(?) 2009 Ezine and can
be accessed (by members) on the site under RECORDS – FAMILY)
Thanks to the generosity of Ian
Macpherson McCulloch, we now have evidence which confirms Rory
MacNeil was at Louisbourg during the 1758 Siege. Ian Macpherson
McCulloch is the author of ―Sons of the Mountains,” two
books about the history of the Highland Regiments during the
French & Indian War, 1756-1767. He read the original article on
the Clan MacNeil website and then followed up by sending a
transcript of the Royal Hospital, Chelsea, Regimental Registers
of Pensioners, 78th
Regiment of Foot, C.1717-1775 WO120-5;
Rory MacNeil‘s admittance to the
hospital is listed on this transcript.1
The story has been edited (April 2010) from this point in order to
reflect the confirmed evidence and Ian Macpherson McCulloch‘s
contribution.
Rodk.
MacNeil (Rory) was a soldier in the British Army, a private in the
78th
Regiment of Foot, also known as Fraser‘s Highlanders. The hospital
record1
states his army service as two and a half years which means he was
likely among one of the first 1000 men recruited by Colonel Simon
Fraser shortly after Jan. 5th
1757. Assembled at Inverness, the regiment marched to Glasgow and in
June sailed across to Ireland; then marched overland to Cork where
on July 1st
1757 the convoy of ships sailed for North America, destination, the
port of Halifax in Nova Scotia.2
In the latter part of August, eight
weeks after the regiment set sail from Ireland, they arrived at
Halifax. During the nine weeks the regiment was stationed there, a
large number of the soldiers came down with Dysentery. From Halifax
the regiment was reassigned to winter quarters in Connecticut where
they stayed from the end of November 1757 to the end of March
1758.2
Assigned to Maj. Gen. Amherst‘s
army, the regiment was again sent to Halifax where the army was
assembling in preparation for the coming attack on Louisbourg in the
Island of Cape Breton. Leaving Halifax on May 28th,
the armada arrived and dropped anchor in Gabarus Bay on the morning
of June 1st
however, huge swells and violent surf prevented the launching of
small boats. While these conditions continued the troops remained
huddled below decks on board the anchored ships for another week
before the sea calmed enough to launch the boats.2
In the early morning hours of June 8th the first of the three waves of boats, among which were the
highlanders, headed for shore.
Above
the beach and unbeknown to the British Troops, gun batteries and
entrenchments were hidden by camouflage. The concealed French Troops
held their fire and waited until the leading landing crafts were
about thirty yards from the beach before unleashing a tremendous
barrage of firepower. It‘s likely Rory was wounded during this
furious assault; it was reported …. that the first men to get
ashore at the cove after the Light Infantry and Wolfe were 400 to
500 Highlanders of the bonnet companies of the 78th
under Colonel Fraser.” The
casualty roll states: four officers killed and three wounded; twelve
privates killed and thirty-five wounded.2
According to the Regimental
Register of Pensioners at Chelsea Hospital, Rory was admitted
there July 20th
1759, almost one year to the day after the fall of Louisbourg. Rory,
deemed unfit for further duty as a soldier, was at some point
transported back to Britain but the record does not state the date
of his return. However, it is interesting to note that ten soldiers,
stated as wounded at Louisbourg, were admitted on that same date
which suggests they may have only recently arrived in Britain prior
to their being admitted to the hospital. Rory was -Shot thro’ the
arm at Louisbourg- The extent of his injuries and length of
recovery period isn‘t known.
Rory‘s son stated in 1822 that his
father … who, after serving many years in His Majesty’s Troops in
the course of which time he was present at several engagements, and
among others at the capture of Louisbourg, was disabled and
dismissed the service upon a pension. His statement may have
been embellished to some degree but at least we now have
confirmation of the majority of it and the likelihood that Rory had
the use of only one arm for the rest of his life.
We know that Lieutenant Roderick
Macneil (son and heir to the (“Macneil of Barra”) and
several clansmen were also with the 78th
Regiment of Foot in North America.3
It isn‘t clear if Rory (the settler at Benacadie) was one of the
several clansmen or if he enlisted while residing in the
town of Inverness, Scotland. The hospital record is ambiguous, it
states he was born in Inverness but there is no distinction made to
indicate whether this refers to the town of Inverness or to
Inverness-shire where the Isle of Barra is situated. (I suspect
that Roderick MacNeil, the wounded soldier, of Benacadie and Rory
“Big” MacNeil, who had children settled at Benacadie, was one and
the same person and if correct, then he was born in Inverness-shire.
According to family legend, Rory “Big” had been a foster brother to
one of the Chiefs of Barra4
the
legend is unconfirmed but if true, it would then make sense that
Rory would enlist when his chief was raising men on Barra to join
the 78th
Regiment of Foot to serve in North America during the French &
Indian War.)
Rory was about 75 years of age when
he immigrated to Cape Breton, his wife Mary‘s age can only be
guessed at but it‘s certain she was not young either. According to
the Chelsea Hospital records Rory was born in 1731 which means he
would have been a teenager at the time of the defeat of the Jacobite
clans at Culloden in 1746, old enough to witness and remember
the atrocities which followed. He was still alive up to and
close to the year 1814 according to the petition of his son Donald.
Mary claimed she was seventy years old in 1816 and Donald claimed
she was about eighty years old in 1822 (rarely were ages stated
correct), she was likely born between the years 1741-1746 and died
after January 5th 1824 at Benacadie.
Mary, as was her husband, was a
native of Scotland and sometime after his return they likely married
there. Barra isn‘t mentioned anywhere in the land papers but
wherever they were living, life would not have been easy during this
period of time in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland. Tenants
were unhappy with living conditions which lead to serious thoughts
of immigrating to North America. Eventually, many of them did
emigrate paving the way for other members of their families and
neighbours (to follow) once they had established themselves in their
adopted country. Considering their ages upon arrival in Cape Breton
(c1806) this appears to be the case with Rory and his wife Mary.
“Seven
children” were born to
them in Scotland and from the little information found so far, it
would appear they all emigrated, eventually settling in Cape Breton.
According to Mary‘s petition of 1816, by that time all
had ―families of their own. I get the impression all of her
children were residing nearby or in the general area. The names of
only three of the seven children are mentioned in the papers;
Donald, James and Catherine. The son Donald stated Rory
had left Scotland and “proceeded to this Island with his family”
which his mother had previously stated was about 1806. It‘s doubtful
the whole family emigrated at the same time, likely some of the
older children immigrated to Nova Scotia and eventually made their
way across to Cape Breton prior to their parent‘s arrival at
Benacadie.
Sometime
after his arrival in Cape Breton, Rory took possession of a two
hundred acre tract of land (which contained a marsh) at the head of
the Benacadie River but he died before he could afford to complete
the title. According to one document, he petitioned to the Crown and
―took out a Warrant of Survey for the same, but at the time being
in no money, could not take the Crown Lease” —
unfortunately, this item is not with the papers and NSARM has no
record of it. Although not young and likely with the help of their
children, Mary and Rory cleared about three acres of the lot and
enclosed the marsh area. After her husband‘s death she continued to
cut the grass that grew on the marsh which supported two cows for
which she depended chiefly for her income. The three acres cleared,
although not cultivated, provided pasture for a few sheep she kept
there. In later years her son was cutting the grass (for her?) but
there is no mention of which son this was; I suspect it was probably
Donald. (An early Benacadie settler by the name of Donald MacNeil,
was known as Big Donald of the Marsh (Domhnull Mor nam Mhaghaigh).³
He was a son of Rory “Big” MacNeil who had (supposedly) been a
foster-brother to one of the Chiefs of Barra. I cannot state
positively that Rory “Big” was Mary’s husband but the similarities
between the two families strongly suggest that he was!)
June 7th
1816, a David Brown petitioned the Crown for a lot of land situated
at Benacadie, land in which he stated he was settled upon, this said
lot contained a marsh. When Mary became acquainted of this
she petitioned the Crown stating that her ―son-in-law David
Brown was trying to ―dispossess her of the marsh” while he
was settled on a different lot. A direct contradiction to Brown‘s
sworn statement! The upshot of this was, on January 18th
1817, Mary was granted a Warrant of Survey by the Crown and no more
was heard about what may or may not have transpired between the
MacNeils and the Browns at Benacadie (suffice to say, more than the
sky was probably blue there for awhile!). The papers indicate the
daughter (Catherine) was the widow of William Kavanagh and after
William‘s death; she married David Brown (sometime between 1811 and
1816).
Meanwhile, Mary was too poor to pay
the fees to obtain title and there the matter rested for a few
years. Apparently she had made arrangements to sell her interest in
the lot for a sum that would maintain her for the remainder of her
life but unfortunately, that deal was never realized. Then,
September 29th
1821, a John MacDonald petitioned for the lot stating, the widow had
sold it to a third party for £23. MacDonald stated he believed this
transaction to be illegal and asked that a Ticket of Location be
granted to himself. November 18th
1821, unbeknownst to Mary or her family, the Crown granted a Warrant
to MacDonald. When Mary‘s son began preparing part of the land for
planting the next season, MacDonald approached
and forbid him to continue, informing the son
the land had been ―granted to him” by the Crown.
February 20th
1822 at Sydney, Donald MacNeil (Mary‘s son) filed a caveat against
MacDonald‘s claim, effectively halting any further proceedings until
his mother‘s claim had been considered. Upon due consideration, the
Crown approved the lot be given to the Widow MacNeil and MacDonald‘s
Warrant was cancelled.
November 30th
1822, a Warrant was issued by Sir James Kempt to Thomas Crawley
Esq., Surveyor General of Lands in the Island of Cape Breton,
ordering himself or a deputy to admeasure and lay out Lot No.7 for
Mary MacNeil (Widow). Deputy Surveyor Cossit was appointed, his
report states the order was completed July 24th
1823. The lot consisted of two hundred and thirteen acres more or
less with about half fit for cultivation (the marsh area was said to
be about twenty-four acres).
Mary‘s
Grant was finally approved December 27th
1823 and executed January 5th
1824. It is registered in the Cape Breton Grant Book Letter K Page
116.
*****
1.
Royal Hospital, Chelsea, Regimental Registers of Pensioners, 78th
Regiment of Foot, C.1717-1775, WO 120 – 5,
the record was supplied by Ian Macpherson McCulloch. The
record lists the rank, age, years of service, detail and date of
admission to the hospital at Chelsea (England). The sixth name on
the list was “Rodk.
McNeil;
Age 28; Service 2½ Yrs.; Detail: Shot thro’ the arm at Louisbourg;
born at Inverness; Admission: 20 July 1759”
2.
Sons of the Mountains,
(Volumes l and ll), by Ian Macpherson McCulloch – The Highland
Regiments in the French & Indian War, 1756-1767, 2006 Edition.
3.
The Clan MacNeil, by Ian R. Macneil of Barra, 1985 Edition
4.
History of Christmas Island Parish,
by Archibald J. MacKenzie, 1926 Edition